Kazakhstan: Terms of dialog

V. VOLKOV

Kazakh President stated that he would provide all conditions for the fair election of the head of state so that its results were not be thrown into doubt by Kazakhs and international community. In addition, Nursultan Nazarbayev suggested that the All-National Program of Democratic Reforms for 2006-2011 be discussed nationwide. How does these intentions correspond to the reports about the continuing government's crackdown on the dissent in Kazakhstan? V. Volkov (program "Focus") discusses today this question with Amirzhan Kossanov, Coordination Board member of the opposition movement "For Fair Kazakhstan".

VV: Mr. Kosanov, it seems that democratic opposition must be enthusiastic about the most recent statements made by N. Nazarbayev as he is suggesting the ways to make the platforms of the government and "For Fair Kazakhstan" movement closer. Is this true?

AK: The statement of President Nazarbayev confirms indirectly that there has been no fair elections in Kazakhstan so far. When the head of state who completely controls the situation in his country says that something has to be done, in fact he admits that this 'something' has not been done yet. So the drastic political reforms, the democratic forces has been speaking about for the recent decade, are badly needed and I think the fact that the President speaks about the need for fair and honest elections and that it is him who puts forward this problem is the success of our activists who were the founders of the political forces competent enough to oppose the today's authorities. However, there is an aspect I would like to draw your attention to. Let's have a test. If the government allows the opposition's single candidate, Zharmakhan Tuyakbai, to run for office (nominated by all the leading opposition forces), if the latter gets equal access to mass media, including television controlled by the Nazarbayev family members, we will agree that the authorities are prepared for fair and honest elections. If he is not prevented from holding meetings in provinces, is not thrown stones at, and if Tuyakbai is allowed to hold discussions with the public not in private houses but at community centers, we will believe that these were not mere words but the true position of the government.

VV: Today NKVD, the President's of Kazakhstan National Commission for Democracy and Civil Society, carries out the function of the government's relations with the nation. Is this institution able to ensure the accomplishment of the program proposed by N. Nazarbayev?

AK: As far as the NKVD and the project of the reforms proposed for a nationwide discussion are concerned, I have two major considerations. Firstly, there are no representatives of the movement "For Fair Kazakhstan" at the NKVD - neither Z. Tuyakbai nor A. Kazhegeldin - there are no forces truly opposing the government. And it is doubtful whether this project answers the actual political situation. Secondly, the very process of the discussion, vote and referendum -we have the sad experience of 1995 when all of a sudden, without any discussion the draft Constitution was adopted to concentrate full authority in the hands of a single citizen.

I would also like to draw your attention to the ethic aspect of nominating Nazarbayev to the presidency and his potential control of all political reforms in the country. I am speaking about the Kazakhgate scandal. I would call the Kazakhgate the Achilles' heel of the regime. Without answering the question whether Nazarbayev took bribes or not, whether he betrayed his nation or not, without a fair answer to this question no political acts or ideas are possible.

I believe that today's position of the movement "For Fair Kazakhstan" headed by Zh. Tuyakbai is the rightful one: If the question about Kazakhgate is answered adequately, the opposition should begin the discussions with the authorities on how each party is to act. The opposition in Kazakhstan has always been open for dialog. Today it is the government's turn. The regime would like to draw the attention, first of all, of world community, and intrigues it with its democratic intentions. However, without answering the question on the new draft Constitution, the question about Kazakhgate, without answering the question about providing real access to the electoral campaign for the single opposition's candidate, these will remain just good intentions. Taking these into account, we will define our attitude towards N. Nazarbaev's statements.

VV: Nevertheless, politics is the art of compromise, or, as they say today, holding a dialog. The Kazakh opposition, at least, its wing that has also joined the movement "For Fair Kazakhstan", was called previously the radical one. Do you see any chance for a dialog with the power today?

AK: Before the new democratic forces emerged in Kazakhstan, we had put forward the clear-cut goal of the nationwide dialog. You might remember that in early 2002, the Republican National Party of Kazakhstan and the Forum of Democratic Forces put forward this idea. Then we were not rejecting a possibility of President Nazarbayev's involvement in the process. One of the requirements was to stop political repressions in the country and establish a Constitutional Meeting to define the future the future political structure in the country. Unfortunately, the authority didn't agree to this then. We believe that the standards we set in 2002 should remain the same. Contacts between the power and opposition are possible. Today opposition is united by the new draft constitution, and if the authorities are prepared to make efficient steps and to discuss this issue and the project itself, the Kazakh opposition is potentially ready to take part in the process. And secondly, you should not regard Kazakh opposition as one with extremist views. We have always understood the authorities' attitude. We want Kazakhstan to meet its OSCE commitments signed by President Nazarbayev. We have either to disavow them, or to work towards meeting these goals. And one thing more, being a politician opposing the government for eight years in a row, I am quite aware of the moods that dominate in the community. The thorniest subject for going from opposition to dialog is the Kazakhgate, and without answering this questions further steps towards democratization are impossible.

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