| Democratic opposition in Kazakhstan is facing a serious test. Address
by Kazakh opposition leader Akezhan Kazhegeldin.
To: Organizing Committee members, United Democratic Party;
Coordination Council members, Forum of Democratic Forces of Kazakhstan;
members of Republican People's Party of Kazakhstan;
members of opposition parties and movements in Kazakhstan
Dear Colleagues,
Everyone would agree that democratic opposition in Kazakhstan is facing
a serious test now caused by a new wave of political repression. Earlier, the authorities
cracked down on individual parties or political leaders. Today, the Nazarbayev regime has
set to eliminate all the political opponents at a blow using its new law on political
parties.
As usual, formal initiators of this law, his "pocket"
deputies from the OTAN party and Civil Party just followed the Nazarbayev's orders. The
others voted for this monstrous document out of subservience and fear. I believe we should
not discuss now the issue of Mazhilis deputies' personal responsibility for adopting this
repressive anti-constitutional legislation. We can do this later. Now we should find an
adequate answer to the provocation by President Nazarbayev and his encirclement. The word
"clique", which have sank into oblivion since the Soviet times, is a most
suitable to describe them now.
1. Our experts, professionals at the OSCE and other organizations have
found the law contradicting not just the Constitution of Kazakhstan, but the country's
international OSCE commitments.
Only Mr. Khitrin as a politically inadequate individual could have
declared that the President Administration's masterpiece conformed to the basic law of
Kazakhstan. As far as I remember, Prosecutor General Khitrin had advocated for even more
absurd things. He has got accustomed to this. But every Kazakh citizen can't help feeling
sorry that such persons are responsible for the constitutional issues in our homeland.
The Republican People's Party repeatedly indicated that the appointment
of Khitrin as chairman of the Constitutional Court is an insult to all Kazakh citizens. It
makes us recall the events in the Ancient Rome when a horse was appointed a senator. Our
horses seem to be as good at work as our senators.
2. I believe it would have made more sense to entitle the new law
"the law against political parties". The purpose of this law is to outlaw the
entire political opposition and opposition activities, and jeopardize personal safety and
freedom of its leaders and activists. No doubt a special norm in the Criminal Code will
follow the law. This special norm is expected to persecute citizens, who are activists or
just members of the "illegal" political parties.
Nazarbayev has to consistently stifle all civil freedoms: freedom of
speech, freedom of assembly, and freedom of choice. Now it's the turn of the freedom of
political associations. Each of these freedoms he intuitively sees as deadly threat to his
power.
It is hard to imagine that in the 21st century Kazakh authorities
strive to impose a single party system on their enlightened citizens, like in North Korea
or Turkmenistan. They are insulting each of us! Could the Astana's clique believe the
people will accept this political malformation? Do they hope that while they talk about
the war on terrorism, the civilized world will forgive their political terror of their own
citizens? If so, fear has driven those people crazy.
The law on political parties has become a reality. We have to work out
some practical steps to neutralize it use this law as an instrument in our struggle
against the Nazarbayev regime.
3. To do so, we have to understand, what is behind the regime's snap
adoption of the new law. The available information and political events suggest that
Nazarbayev and his clique have totally lost the internal basis of their power. These
narrow-minded individuals do not see any other patterns except their own communist party
or soviet-era past. At that time there was only one party - the Communist Party of the
Soviet Union. Today a three-headed animal usually called AGROTAN (Agrarian Party + Civil
Party + OTAN) is supposed to play this role.
The question arises as to why Nazarbayev needs an instrument to
eliminate all opposition parties? Previously he has successfully manipulated elections
results to secure a majority vote in the 1999 elections for AGROTAN. In 2002, the
situation seems to be completely different from the one three years ago. At present Kazakh
citizens strongly sympathize with opposition.
Even Ms. Baliyeva and her puppet Central Election Commission (CEC) will
be unable to insure the election of pro-government deputies to the parliament without mass
protests. At the forthcoming elections, no more that 10-15% of the constituency will vote
for AGROTAN. They are mostly individuals working in governmental bodies, their family
members and most active supporters of the authorities, who are afraid of a probe into
their activities. Nazarbayev and his close allies are aware of that, they feel the danger
and, therefore, make new mistakes. We should capitalize on their mistakes for the sake of
democracy.
4. Another purpose of the new law is to switch the opposition's
attention from criticizing the regime to the fight for party registration. We are offered
a false goal instead of a real one. At present opposition demands that Nazarbayev leave
the political arena immediately and unconditionally, and return the multi-million and even
multi-billion funds he has embezzled. The authorities want instead us to engage into
senseless activities: to collect hundreds of thousands of signatures, bring suits against
heads of administrations and CEC, etc.
The crackdown on opposition by the National Security Committee and
akims, the threat of mass dismissals for our supporters mean that petitions in support of
anti-Nazarbayev parties will cause people no end of senseless suffering. Furthermore,
Zagipa Balieva, who was taught arithmetic by Nazarbayev himself, will count signatures in
such a way that no amount of them will be enough.
The experience of 1999 and the movement "Democratic Choice of
Kazakhstan" (DCK) should teach us a lesson. We can't play chess with Nazarbayev or
his clique. When these people start losing, they take willows and say it's time for new
rules.
5. For this reason I would like to support those, who suggests to
actively oppose the law on political parties. A total boycott of the re-registration
procedure by all opposition parties can be the most adequate way to do so. We can not
fritter away our efforts and risk our supporters' safety. We should ignore the requirement
of new petitions.
For their activities opposition parties and movements do not need
permission from the authorities with such a poor record both at home and abroad. We do not
need to prove the legitimacy of our parties. Our people and international partners have
long accepted them. Many opposition parties had started their fight for democracy long
before AGROTAN was invented and established by the authorities. We formed the Republican
People's Party in the environment of repression. We had to hold the Forum of Democratic
Forces congress abroad, in Moscow. Two DCK co-chairs and founders were jailed for their
opposition activities.
6. In view of the above, I suggest that all parties and movements act
exactly the same way as they did before the new law on political parties was adopted. No
petitions, no re-registration. We have 6 months in store. Let's use this time to fight the
law and explain our views and stance to our citizens and the international community.
Many believe now that the Nazarbayev regime will collapse in a couple
of months. Our solidarity and joint activities will help to speed up this process.
We should avoid cooperation with the Nazarbayev administration until it
annuls the law. There should be no joint round tables or workshops with the Nazarbayev
until then. The example of the law on elections has shown the whole world that the regime
lies all the time and betrays confidence without doing anything to get democracy back on
track.
I believe the OSCE, the European Parliament and the Council of Europe,
U. S. Congressmen and U.S. Administration, MPs and governments in other Western countries
will support our principled position.
6. Major responsibility lies now on the Communist Party leaders of
Kazakhstan. Nursultan Nazarbayev is ready to let reregister the Communist Party only to
have a communist threat to scare the West. We regard today's communist leaders as our
partners in the anti-Nazarbayev coalition. Kazakh Communist Party enjoys the support of a
large segment of Kazakh society, represented mostly by senior citizens. I am sure that the
rank-and-file communists will support our call for a boycott of the anti-constitutional
law. It's imperative that Communist party leaders make up their mind and support our
initiative. The stance of Serikbolsyn Abdildin and other party leaders may be of crucial
importance here. True communists have never accepted compromises.
7. At the same time, our immediate tactics should not rest only on
opposing the regime. We should work out plans of activities for the benefit of our nation
and native country. An important step here should become a single opposition association.
Long before the adoption of the new law, major part of opposition had
initiated the establishment of a United Opposition Party, which unites the Republican
People's Party, parties "Azamat" and People's Congress of Kazakhstan.
Simultaneously, a new movement called "Democratic Choice of Kazakhstan" was
formed. Both sides called for joint efforts, but the form of the proposed union required
long negotiations. For the recent few months we have been discussing whether the DVK
members should join the United Opposition Party or vice versa, or will the membership of
one organization require dropping membership of the other, etc. The discussion dragged on,
and the authorities did not fail to capitalize on this. A new law on political parties,
trials of Mukhtar Abliazov and Galymzhan Zhakiyanov are the Nazarbayev's reaction to
opposition's unification process.
The authorities have put an end to the state of uncertainty. We are
left with no other choice but to make our mind and unite as soon as possible into a single
structure, which will:
à) be able to unite the resources and
efforts of all opposition parties and movements;
á) allow to focus on changing the political system in Kazakhstan and
remove Nursultan Nazarbayev from power;
â) be able to swiftly and effectively form a single block in the
run-up to truly democratic elections monitored by the international community.
I believe that a new union should be established as a public
association by a group of our parties and movements leaders. From the very beginning, it
should unambiguously state at least three of the above-mentioned goals. In this case, the
public will regard the newly-established body as a natural successor to the opposition
political structure. The public will trust us and empower us to continue to represent its
interests.
8. The organization will have other goals, but this is the
responsibility of its future leaders. It's crucial though that the creation of a new group
should not be seen as a merger or a dissolution. It makes no sense for us to compete for
the name of a greater democrat and whose party was the first to resolutely declare its
opposition intentions, or who has more force or resources. We should leave the rivalry
till the happy days when we have an opportunity to run for respected parliament in
transparent and fair elections in a free and democratic Kazakhstan. The main thing now is
to unite our efforts, ensure peaceful and just transfer of power to people's
representatives.
In democratic countries party leadership involve not only certain
persons. A leader is responsible for a group's political course. In conditions of
dictatorship and simultaneous crackdown on all opposition forces, personal leadership is
of minor importance. I am ready to become one of the new party's leaders as a member of
its Political Council or Executive Committee, responsible for its oversees operations.
Leaders, who have an opportunity to work in Kazakhstan, should supervise activities at
home.
From the very beginning, the new opposition group has to present its
core to the public inside the country and abroad as a protoplast of future transit
government. After the current clan-and-family system falls, new ministers, heads of
administrations and other senior officials will be chosen from this very circle.
9. Kazakh democratic forces badly need concerted activities. Until now,
we have often limited ourselves to just voicing our solidarity intentions; we participated
in joint round tables and spoke at joint press conferences. Now we should unite our
efforts and act for another person's interests like for our own. Our society has seen
examples of such actions; we have jointly defended Mukhtar Ablyazov and Galymzhan
Zhakiyanov. Hopefully, we shall unite our efforts across Kazakhstan in support of Sergey
Duvanov, who have dared to fling in Nazarbayev's teeth what current prosecutors and MPs
should have said.
We should support all those who will fall victim to the Nazarbayev
secret services repression. To do so, we would be a single force. I am grateful to all the
politicians, members of different parties and movements, who protested against my trial in
absentia. I also use all my contacts abroad to put as much pressure as possible on the
regime to defend my colleagues.
I hope all leaders and activists of democratic opposition parties and
movements will consider my proposals and offer their comments. I hope, steps will follow
soon to create a new organization in question.
10. No amount of oil will bring President Nazarbayev international
support. In the third millenium, everybody understands that oil and other mineral
resources belong to the nation, not a single family. Corruption, political terror, lies in
the public, and attacks on the press repulse politicians and ordinary people in the West.
Among Central Asian dictators, Nursultan Nazarbayev's activities are the most frequent
topic of debates in foreign parliaments, whose members describe them with repulsion, and
make headlines in foreign press. No other Central Asian opposition is viewed with greater
sympathy that Kazakh opposition.
The international community will back up a new democratic power in
Kazakhstan because we fight for a better life for our nation, we want to return it into
the family of civilized nations.
No Nazarbayev's initiative has consolidated his power or improved his
reputation in recent years. Neither snap election and the law on first president, nor
trials of opposition members have gotten him that. His regime is sliding into an abyss. We
should take action now to prevent it from taking the nation into the abyss too. Let's get
started!
Sincerely,
Akezhan Kazhegeldin
July 16, 2002 |
