To the participants in the Forum of Democratic Forces of Kazakhstan
To the Republican People's Party of Kazakhstan Executive Committee and the UDP members

Dear Colleagues!

The trend and the pace of development of political situation in Kazakhstan demand that we should clearly understand our goals and tasks for the nearest future. If before we had afforded some vacuum in our activities, today this vacuum becomes obvious for the population. Secondly, this vacuum will be immediately filled with some political tricksters, extremists, or counterfeits carrying out the authorities' order.

It is high time to act resting on the support of population. We cannot struggle for power, intending to develop society's democratic potential later, after we win. We have to use this potential right away, emancipating it in the current process, and to give the nation a chance to fight for their rights. Representative authority, the parliament, have been completely under the control of the President, so the opposition has to choose the tactics of direct impact hanging upon its natural law and involving enthusiastic citizens into politics.

I am sure that the opposition should not appeal to President Nazarbayev on any subject. He has demonstrated his absolute unwillingness in regard to any democratic reformation. Nazarbayev and his closest entourage have got the only dream: to preserve their unlimited power for the unlimited period. Anything Nazarbayev undertakes, he undertakes with this particular purpose.

The hope that, just for the sake of the common sense and international repute, he will limit his power, is groundless. They who can not understand this look blockish. When the Central Election Commission denies the right of citizens for a referendum, we should demand the abolishment of the Commission itself, not being led by the nose and to collect signatures again and again.

You have not to be political analysts to understand that Nazarbayev will be forcing Constitution, repressing mass media and plundering oil earnings. Constitution, mass media and oil - there are the three problems that the population expects the opposition to solve. They expect us to propose the answers as the consequence of concrete actions rather than in the form of slogans, or texts.

Presuming from this reality, I would like to propose the plan that will enable us, on one hand, to increase the pressure on the government, and, on the other hand, to contribute to the consequent democratic development of the country. There are three major items, in accordance with the three major problems this country faces - constitutional reforming, emancipation of mass media, and recovering control over natural resources.

1. CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM

It is avowed that multiple changes and amendments made to the Constitution along with the set of the approved laws have resulted in the absurd situation when government has become practically unchangeable. The consent of the President is required to remove him.

The population's right for the direct declaration of will also become connected with the President's consent. Even after he retire, he is to keep his authority and privileges that are unthinkable in a civilized society. You can imagine where this could lead. You even have not to imagine - the pattern of Kyrgyzstan is much more eloquent as any speculation.

So I agree with the initiative by N.Masanov, E.Zhovtis and other colleagues at the Forum of Democratic Forces to undertake writing a new Constitution. However, a democratic Constitution can not be born in the old authoritative manner - by the initiative of Nazarbayev and blessed by his pocket parliament. The president and parliament were both elected in the course of unfair election. We should not agree to be roped again in the next "round table" with them. You shall not play cards with sharpers. The sad experience of the law on election has demonstrated this. The participants in the next "round table" permit the government to put cap and bells on themselves.

Democratic constitution will come in force only after Nazarbayev quit the stage forever. It has to be designed under the aegis of international community and as a result of the procedure controlled from the outwards. There is nothing to be ashamed of. Instead, the experience of Kazakhstan that will take his way from dictatorship to democracy, will be taught everywhere in the world.

Let us address the global communities: please help us not only to write such basic law that will become the guarantee of stability and prosperity of this country but also to put it into life. Thus we will be able to break the vicious circle of dictatorship.

I propose that the initiative group should within two or three days forward the letter to OSCE, the European Union, and parliaments of democratic countries. We shall clearly and audibly say that we are forced to take to this procedure as Nazarbayev has called into the existence the situation of legal absurdity.

Besides we request of:

• consultations by world-class legal experts;
• assistance in holding seminars and training for those who are to collect proposals and constitutional discussions in the regions;
• grants and equipment to distribute materials and hold discussions among the population;
• political support and demanding security guarantees for the constitutional processes participants from Kazakhstani government;
• assistance in building temporary information channels - special supplements to opposition papers, broadcasting programs and videotapes to inform population on the constitutional process.

In our letter, we will ask the global community to elaborate temporary mechanism to control the processes of the new Constitution framing and discussion, and, in the nearest future, its implementation.

The European Union, OSCE, the Council of Europe, parliaments and governments of the states that have guaranteed security and territorial integrity to Kazakhstan will make our addressees. Kazakhstan have signed the agreements with all these countries and organizations in which it undertakes to stay a democratic state rather than family or clannish dictatorship. And all of these states and organizations are entitled to nail Kazakhstan down to its commitments. We will ask them to condition any contacts or cooperation with Kazakhstani government by the above mentioned commitments.

1. PUBLIC MASS MEDIA

Unprecedented pressure on Kazakhstani mass media and the blockade of foreign mass media in Kazakhstan have gone the limits. The society has to respond promptly to the most recent speech by Nazarbayev addressing the reporters, full of threat and jeer.

At this juncture, the initiative by Sergei Duvanov to establish the system of public control over mass media that exist at the expense of tax-payers. It is not Nazarbayev who pays for its activities but the citizens of Kazakhstan. And it is not the President's daughter who is to control all the national TV. The newspapers funded from state budget have to offer the interests of the society rather than that of the Ministry for Information officials.

Therefore, we have to rest on the experience and support on the West and establish such councils. Without the consent of Dariga Nazarbayeva, or the Ministry of Information, as a start, we will draft the provisions on "Khabar" and "Kazakhstanskaya Pravda" public boards. We suggest the parties, NGOs, religious organizations, trade unions and artistic associations to delegate their representatives to these boards.

Let the Boards start sitting in session, investigating into the poor practice of the semi-official media demanding its revision. They will work in public, openly evaluate programs and articles, referring to journalists and managers who violate the standards of civilized journalism.

These Public Boards will take the responsibility to take the control over television, broadcasting and press at the moment when the expected political changes take place in the country. Owing to this, a new democratic order in Kazakhstan will be forming under the circumstances of the freedom of speech.

2. PEOPLE'S OIL FRONT

Despoilment of national resources has grown vigorous. Of those four, or five billion U.S. dollars that the country is to get as oil earnings, no more than 300 million come in the budget. The rest is just despoiled by those who control the oil business.

The so-called "National Oil Foundation" established and controlled by Nazarbayev is just the screen to cover the old and go on with new manipulations with oil money. Through the Fund, peculators hope to damp down the fire of the "Kazakhgate" and to cover their track of billion-dollar stealage.

Scandals around Nazarbayev's and his associates' frozen accounts is just the visible part of an iceberg. About 20 billion USD are still to be found by international investigation that undoubtedly will be pursued after Nazarbayev's retirement.

We have no right to wait for this particular moment because before it come, billions more will pass the budget and flow from the country. In the Western Kazakhstan the initiative was born to initiate public movement to control how oil earnings pass and spent. I think, it can be called the "People's Oil Front".

It is not an easy task to provide control over oil earnings but it is possible to do. For this purpose, we should enlist the support of oil production companies operating in Kazakhstan, as well as general public in the West. Under the pressure of politicians and press of their countries, businessmen will be cooperative. We will be able to hold public hearing and ratification of major oil contracts with their publication in independent media.

After appealing to "Ernst & Young" audit company, we have to appeal promptly to the boards of directors and stock-holders of Chevron, Mobil, and Hurricane and other companies asking them to report the details of the payments for the oil produced in Kazakhstan.

I think that the Kazakhs working for oil and financial businesses will be also able to help their nation to know the truth.

To sum up, my proposals boil down to the necessity to frame the plan of concrete steps for each direction that will lead to the goals we set.

I am enclosing the letter on the behalf of the Forum of Democratic Forces and ask you to propose signing it to as many politicians as possible, in particular, in the regions. It is there when we will face the most serious fight for power, so we will be in great necessity for the support of international community.

In conclusion, I propose to call the Second Congress of Democratic Forces in Almaty. As you remember, the first Congress was held in 1999 in Moscow. The Congress laid the foundation for the close collective work of all democratic parties and organizations.

The second Congress is to define forms of our rise to power and enables to elaborate the platform for shaping a democratic government. There we will be able to discuss the work within the three most significant directions proposed by the comrades.

The Congress is to attract many observers and participates from the whole world. We are ready to accept this mission and to regard international support of the forthcoming Congress as the most significant task in the activities of the Forum of Democratic forces' foreign structures.

I believe that my colleagues understand and share my insistence and determination in the raised issues.

Sincerely,
Akezhan Kazhegeldin